There is an old folk saying in Armenia, “A woman is like wool, the more you beat her, the softer she will be.” Whether it is the result of a traditional mindset, rampant poverty, or simply a lack of knowledge, domestic violence has been a historically widespread and unacknowledged social issue in the Republic of Armenia.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Armenia was forced into period of transition from a Communist state to and independent republic. This abrupt change proved to be an especially traumatic and violent one. War with neighboring Azerbaijan, regional trade isolation, and a 6.9 magnitude earthquake that devastated the second largest city, were just a few of the catastrophes which further paralyzed an already struggling country. Furthermore, near-absolute economic collapse, due to rapid privatization, exerted considerable strains on the country’s population. This was reflected in significant emigration to Diasporan communities (Amnesty International, 2008). These harsh situations created an environment where women— the most vulnerable citizens of the country— were highly susceptible to violence.

Armenia, a traditionally patriarchal society, allows custom to dictate norms and practices, even in the 21st century. Armenian women are ideally meant to be chaste and passive. Custom says they are expected to marry the first man who asked for their hand, and prove their virginity by showcasing a bloody sheet the morning after the wedding ceremony. Tradition also dictates that men are providers of the family, while women are child bearers. Armenia’s unstable economy has resulted in an unprecedented unemployment, creating a situation where men are unable to perform their roles as financial providers. As a result, some men have adopted a widespread ritual of beating their wives. Vast unemployment pushes men towards alcoholism and gambling addictions, habits which encourage the ill-treatment of their wives. “Most… people…attributed high levels of domestic violence to the devastating economic conditions in Armenia. International research indicates that women who live in poverty are more likely to experience violence than women of higher socio-economic status (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 27). Since traditional Armenian culture is intolerant of any discussion of issues pertaining to sexual rights of women, divorce or domestic violence, the crime is severely underreported and rarely prosecuted. The hush-hush culture of these taboo issues has truly led to a circumstance where countless women have fallen victim to the hands of abusive husbands, extended families and the government.

II. Background

In Armenia, there are no laws explicitly defining or prohibiting gender-based discrimination, a practice which is evident in numerous facets of society (Amnesty International, 2008). Although battery itself is outlawed, women who attempt to report battery at the hands of abusive husbands are often faced with resistance from the police, the courts, their families and society in general. The only legal options available to women are to either initiate a criminal action or to file for divorce (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 6). There are no legal alternatives for women who do not want to pursue criminal action but would like to protect themselves from future abuse. The government has not created restraining orders or other remedies to allow the husband to “cool off” while keeping the woman safe (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000). The pressure from society not to report cases of domestic violence plays a key role in ensuring the violence continues. “An Armenian man always has the last word,” a police officer from the Province of Gegharkunik told a survivor of domestic violence (Amnesty International, 2008). In an interview conducted by Minnesota Advocates, a mental health professional reported that he told a patient whose husband hit her that she was “too demanding and should remember that [she was] a woman and her husband needed love and warmth.” The same doctor stated that he advises other female patients to “accept men as they are and change [their own] attitude” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg 26-27). These negative and discriminatory attitudes of medical and government officials keep women from seeking justice.

Photo by Araz Artinian

Domestic violence in Armenia, as in many other places, is often justified as something the wife did to upset her husband. In Armenia, the first question asked by police, prosecutors and judges to women sexually assaulted by their husbands is often “What did you do to encourage this?” (Amnesty International, 2008). One women who went to the police to press charges against her husband who threatened her with a knife and “kicked a glass door that broke over her, causing injuries,” was turned away by police who said it was a “family matter” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000). Corruption can be identified as a significant problem of the Armenian legal system. Many officials including judges, police officers and forensic doctors have been reported to take bribes to ensure favorable outcomes. Although official domestic legislation protects the rights of men and women equally in Armenia, there is a severe discrepancy between genders in the application of the laws. Women in Armenia face all forms of discrimination, from getting a job to domestic violence, and the legal system falls short of protecting their rights.

The violent treatment husband’s subject their wives to is not limited to one type of abuse. “[Violence] takes the form of brute physical force, beatings, sexual torture (including being forced to engage in sexual activity against one’s will), authoritarian control (imprisoning the victim in the home, controlling contacts with others including family members, controlling all finances including access to food and clothing, etc.) and psychological abuse (constant degrading, insulting comments, threats, sadistic or controlling manipulation of the victims fears and vulnerabilities, “cat-and-mouse” toying with needs and expectations, threats against the children, etc.) (Theriault, 2009, pg. 4). Many of these forms of abusive behavior are unrecognized by Armenian officials and society in general. Psychological abuse remain nameless in Armenia, while the most visible form of domestic violence is significantly underreported, leading to sporadic statistical information. “In 2002, the World Health Organization, based on forty eight surveys, concluded that a minimum of ten percent and possibly as many as sixty nine percent of Armenian women have been physically assaulted by an intimate male partner at least once in their lives” (Theriault, 2009, pg. 4).

In many cases, women in Armenia suffer serious injury or even death at the hands of their husbands. “In a comprehensive study of murder committed in the home, a criminologist at Yerevan State University found that over thirty percent of all murders between 1988 and 1998 were committed within the family. He also determined that eighty one percent of domestic murders were committed by men, and in thirty five percent of all cases the victims were wives or girlfriends” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 2). In 1999, after brutally stabbing his wife to death in front of their two children, the husband stated, “I became suspicious of her unfaithfulness but had no proof. . . . Because of jealousy and drink, I beat her. . . .” The man was charged with murder and sentenced to only nine years in prison (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000).

III. Analysis

The interdependent family is a defining characteristic of Armenian identity. One of the major obstacles in battling issues of domestic violence in Armenia is the deeply rooted social attitude that sees violence against women as a “family matter”, not open for public discussion or judgment. Public discussion of the problem is regarded as an effort to destroy the family. “I put up with his beatings for 14 years because that’s what’s expected here in Armenia.

In the Armenian family the woman has to put up with everything, she has to keep silent. The fact that I did something about it,that I went to the police and divorced my husband – people in my village point at me and say she’s crazy, look at what she did to her husband, she should have kept quiet. It’s a stereotype, a national stereotype maybe, I don’t know, that if a woman goes to the police or the courts, she’s destroying the family”, confessed an Armenian woman during an interview (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 26).

The government asserts that domestic violence is not an issue within the country. They do not want to acknowledge the topic because there is a strict mentality that precludes people from talking about their personal lives. In addition to the government’s inaction, the medical industry also views domestic violence as a private issue. “By law, doctors are required to report suspicious injuries to the police including injuries resulting from domestic violence. Some members of the medical community nonetheless believe that domestic violence is a private matter and not one to be discussed with patients. Doctors from out-patient clinics and the ambulance service maintained that they do not report such injuries because they are “family problems” and doctors can do nothing about them” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 19). Due to strong social pressure on victims to preserve silence on domestic and sexual violence, there is a risk that these crimes and violations of women’s rights are both significantly under-reported and perpetrated with widespread impunity in Armenia. “[In a recent survey], eighty eight percent of respondents believed that domestic violence is best handled as a private matter rather than through the authorities. Only twenty nine percent of abused respondents sought help, in most cases from family members (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 11). “In 1998, the Women’s Rights Center in [the capital city of] Yerevan surveyed one hundred women and found that forty six had experienced some form of violence in the family, including sexual violence. Of these women, only six had complained to legal authorities. In Gyumri, Armenia’s second largest city, another women’s NGO surveyed one hundred married women from a variety of backgrounds; eighty admitted to experiencing domestic violence, and twenty of these said it happened often (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 12-13). Social attitudes in Armenia are accepting, and even vindicating of violence against women.

One of the most shocking findings is that these attitudes are not restricted to men; they are widespread among women themselves. Many women believe that abuse is a normal part of marriage and are unconvinced that a life without it can exist. Since women are expected to move into their husband’s household with their husband’s family, mother-in-laws play a major role in the abuse of the new bride. “More detailed quantitative data was published in 2007 in the form of a survey of one thousand six women, conducted for the Women’s Rights Centre NGO by the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis within the American University of Armenia. Across the cases of physical abuse, in eighty five percent of cases husbands were the perpetrator, and in ten percent of cases, mothers-in-law” (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 11). Fathers-in-law also living in the same household have proven to be physically violent towards their son’s wife. “There were arguments with my father-in-law and sister-in -law. We lived in the same house. She wanted to divide up the flat so that she and her son would have one of the rooms. They started picking fights with me and it got to the point where my father-in-law hit me around the head with a glass ashtray”, reported a woman during an interview (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 16). One woman’s father-in-law told her, “You think that’s a beating? When I beat my wife, that was a beating” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000). Behind public support for the family unit lays an institutionalized culture of preserving silence on the violence that occurs within the family, and denying justice to its victims.

In Armenia, the social disgrace associated with divorce is exponentially worse than that associated with domestic violence. If a woman files for a divorce, she will be considered the shameful destroyer of her family’s dignity. A police representative stated that women should be ashamed to report cases of domestic violence because such reporting could lead to divorce (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg 22). The importance of escaping social disgrace was reflected in the fact that “eighty eight percent of respondents to the Women’s Rights Centre survey believed that domestic violence is best resolved within the family and not taken to the police” (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 25).

The Armenian government explains that a disproportionately high number of women are unemployed because traditionally, women are more oriented towards family and children. This traditional female role of housewife and mother has turned women into “household slaves”. “Their housework has increased enormously, while their inability to contribute cash to the family economy has reduced their authority and independence in the family. Thus, the economic situation has increased women’s dependency on men” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg 12).

Another important reason as to why violence against women continues to prevail in Armenia is because women are unaware of the meanings of domestic violence and are uneducated about their rights to protection from it. According to a study conducted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 2007, many women admitted that they were unaware of their rights and were without access to information (OSCE, 2007). The problem is rooted in the fact that many Armenian women are unable to define domestic violence and abuse as general concepts. Most women for example, believe that domestic violence consists only of physical abuse, rather than including psychological and economic mistreatment. These distorted perceptions further contribute to non-reporting and under-reporting of domestic violence.

In light of the fact that women often do not have the option to pursue criminal charges against their abusive husbands, the only other option available to try and escape violence is divorce. As previously mentioned, divorce is highly stigmatized and can often carry heavier consequences as staying in an abusive relationship. Even when seeking divorce, women are skeptical of what justifies breaking up the family. In one case, a woman questioned whether the fact that her father-in-law and brother-in-law forced her to have sex with them and prohibited her from leaving the house was reason enough for a divorce (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000). Although divorce is one of the few remedies utilized by abused women, it does not always solve the problem. At times, men who are angrier following a divorce find and continue to beat their ex-wives. “An NGO staff member recounted a story of a woman who was beaten by her ex-husband every week when she picked up her child from visitation” (Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2000, pg. 41).

IV. Summary

Two primary factors contribute to the unique dynamic of domestic violence against women in Armenia. First is the silent attitude surrounding the issue, and second is the fact that violence often takes place within the broader context of the family (Amnesty International, 2008). Tradition is what allows for these two dynamics to continue prevailing. “Cultural traditions and norms, stereotypes and expectations of gender roles have placed societal pressures on women and their role in all aspects of society. This is a trend that is very apparent in [Armenia]. Gender issues here, as in most transitioning countries, can be viewed as part of a broader issue of values or value-systems…. In the overriding majority of transition countries or newly independent states, promoting and calling for gender equality was and is viewed as something imposed by international aid agencies which will destroy culture, traditions and the classical view of the family” (Titizian, 2010, pg. 2).

There have been recent efforts on behalf of NGOs to battle the issue of domestic violence in Armenia, but even with the collective efforts they are met with much resistance. Armenian officials have been particularly resistant to the campaigns working to end violence against women. These NGOs have been struggling simply to get the issue of domestic violence mentioned in newspapers, television and other media outlets (Johnson, 2007).

A campaign entitled, “16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence” aiming to increase public awareness on gender-based violence was launched last year in Yerevan. The “16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence” was an international campaign from November 25, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, to December 10, International Human Rights Day and symbolically linked gender violence and human rights issues. Other efforts include new shelters available to women. Since 2002, a handful of shelters have been operating in Armenia, despite facing much criticism for making domestic violence a public issue. “These shelters, which are run by non-governmental organizations, are reliant on intermittent funding”. Unfortunately, most have had to close down due to a lack of funding (Amnesty International, 2008, pg. 2). There is also a draft law being discussed, which will finally criminalize domestic violence. Furthermore, police training programs have been initiated to implement proper responding techniques for domestic violent cases.

An important step towards progression is for both the Armenian state and society to first and foremost acknowledge that this problem exists. Public awareness and educational measures must be enforced to emphasize that violence against women is not a private issue, as tradition may like to see it, but a violation of women’s basic human rights.

Fundamental human rights and dignity must become priorities in all social relations. The concept of sacrificing freedom, safety and justice for the preservation of family and ego must no longer be the norm. Detestable practices, which subvert human rights and risk the wellbeing of individual members of the family, need to be done away with if women of Armenia are going to become equals with men. Respect for women should become just as much a part of the culture as deep family values.

V. Bibliography

Aharonian, L. (2010). Nationalism and Sex. The Armenian Weekly. Available: www.armenianweekly.com/2010/03/07/aharonian-nationalism-and-sex.

Amnesty International. (2008). No Pride In Silence: Domestic and Sexual Violence against Women in Armenia. London, UK. Amnesty International Publications. Available: www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/report/no-pride-silence-domestic-sexual-violence-against-women-armenia-20081113.

Amnesty International. (2008). Violence In the Family In Armenia: Case of Greta Baghdasaryan. Available: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR54/007/2008/en.

Johnson, J. (2007). Domestic Violence Politics in Post-Soviet States. Social Politics. Available:sp.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/jxm015v1.

Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights. (2000). Domestic Violence in Armenia. Minneapolis, MN. Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights.

National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. (2009). Perspectives of Reaching Gender Equality in Armenia Discussed. Yerevan, Armenia. Available: http://www.parliament.am/news.php?cat_id=2&NewsID=3701&year=2009&month=12&day=21.

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. (2010). Gender. Yerevan, Armenia. Available: www.osce.org/yerevan/20146.html.

Theriault, H. (2009). Never Ending Rape. The Armenian Weekly. Available: http://www.armenianweekly.com/2009/12/24/theriault-never-ending-rape.

Titizian, M. (2010). Transition to Democracy: Women in the CIS 15 Years After Beijing. Asbarez. Available:www.asbarez.com/78080/transition-to-democracy-women-in-the-cis-15-years-after-beijing.

United Nations Development Programme. (2009). A campaign “16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence” aiming to increase public awareness on gender-based violence was launched today in Yerevan. Available: www.un.am/?laid=1&com=module&module=static&id=907.

Vartabedian. T. (2009). Facing Poverty In Armenia. The Armenian Weekly. Available: http://www.armenianweekly.com/2009/06/25/facing-poverty-in-armenia.

The first session included panelists Stephan Johnson of Lamda Legal and Jimmy Nguyen of Equality California. They discussed the current status of the Federal Prop 8 court case, SB 906 (Civil Marriage Religious Freedom Act), and statewide efforts to restore marriage equality. Nguyen reported that after the passage of Proposition 8, which denied marriage equality in California, activists have been working harder and reaching out to more communities to demand equality and action.

The second session was presented by Raffi Hamparian of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Luis Lopez of Honor Political Action Committee and focused on political issues important to the Armenian and LGBT communities. They discussed the various ways in which activists and community members could take grassroots political action in order to advance their cause. Presenters discussed the most effective methods that can be used to influence decision makers. “The Armenian American community is a broad and diverse entity and one where all voices should be welcomed and heard,” said Hamparian. “The political activism needed to advance justice with respect to the Armenian Genocide and Artsakh is needed from all segments of our community. That means we need the involvement of everyone in our community; young and old, rich and poor, those with a college degree and those with none, those who are gay and those who are straight, or those who were born in America or those who came to this country as immigrants. The rainbow of diversity in our community is a strength, not a weakness. We need to seize our diversity to advance our common cause for justice. This I believe,” he added.

The final session included a presentation from Greg Matsunami, representing Asian Pacific Islander (API) Equality-LA, who spoke about actions they have taken to educate their community about Prop 8 and solicit support for other LGBT issues. According to Greg, there have been many parallels drawn between the Armenian and Asian experience. “Coming out to our family as well as our community is equally challenging,” he stated.

Armen Sarkissian, president of GALAS, discussed some of the issues facing LGBT Armenians. According to a poll on the GALAS website, 45% of LGBT Armenians have come out to their friends and only 9% to their family and friends. “For a majority of their lives, LGBT Armenians face extraordinary difficulties,” he stated. “They are afraid that their families and community will find out and that they may no longer be accepted.”

Although many Armenians and prominent Armenian community leaders such as Paul Krekorian and Nairi Nahabedian have shown their full support of LGBT Armenians, homophobia still exists in many minority communities including our own. Homophobic slurs like “that’s so gay” or “don’t be such a faggot” are constantly thrown around because we have become numb to their derogatory meanings. It is critical to step back and take a look at the serious consequences of hateful speech towards the LGBT. Denial, emotional distress, alienation and even suicide are just a few of the problems LGBT people suffer. LGBT youth are four times more likely to commit suicide then their heterosexual counterparts.

The time has come for our larger communities to recognize the unique vulnerabilities of LGBT people. Because Armenians have been subject to years of oppression and human rights violations, we have made it a moral imperative to fight against injustice. Ironically, we continue to oppress our own people. We can’t be selective in our morality. We can’t say we are fighters of justice when we continually oppress those in our own community. We need to work and stand together. Do not let us be divided. We must find our inner activist and work for a more progressive society.

Those who participated in this year’s conference came away with stronger, clearer ideas about the challenges and opportunities facing LGBT Armenians. To help work towards building a united movement and advocating for the rights of LGBT Armenians, visit the GALAS website at www.galasla.org.

Attendees at the screening had signed petitions asking our government and our President to pursue Joseph Kony and other top LRA commanders, to disarm and disband his militia, and to restore stability to those areas of Africa that have been terrorized by the LRA. In January of this year, activists delivered 253,512 signatures to the State Department in support of Kony’s arrest.

After one year of intense lobbying, The LRA Disarmament Bill and Northern Uganda Recovery Act passed with more support in Congress than any Africa-focused bill in United States history. Now that Congress has passed the bill, President Obama has 10 days in which to either sign it or veto it and since the bill passed almost unanimously – he is likely to sign it.

The bill demands that resolving this crisis be a higher priority for the United States. The bill outlines our country’s commitment to helping protect civilians, apprehend top LRA commanders, and provide assistance to affected communities. But even more importantly, it requires the President to go on the record within 180 days with a detailed strategy to help see LRA atrocities permanently ended. President Obama will be the first United States President to develop and report such a strategy in the war’s history.

The passage of this bill is historic in that it constitutes the most significant step taken by our Congress on this crisis since the conflict began more than two decades ago. This is just one example of the power of grassroots activism. The people of Uganda finally have their voices heard and it is thanks to organizations like Invisible Children and activists like you who take the time to educate yourselves and speak out about injustices.

Click here for more information about the bill.

A recent demonstration in Mersin, Turkey led to the arrest of and 5-year prison sentence of 15 minors. The minors were arrested for throwing stones at police officers during a demonstration against the imprisonment of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

They were prosecuted for “making propaganda of a terrorist organization and committing crime on behalf of a terrorist organization.” The prosecutor had demanded five to eight years for each minor.

After the hearing, parents protested the decision and their attorney, Vedat Özkan, said while certain legal regulations were considered on this issue, the verdict is clearly against law and justice.

“These kids, who have nothing to do with the terrorist organization, were rendered to be so,” said Ozkan. “We will appeal, most certainly. If our petition to appeal is rejected we are determined to go to the European Court of Human Rights.”

The PKK aims to overcome the oppression suffered by Turkey’s Kurdish minority and is therefore listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the U.S. and many other countries worldwide.

Meanwhile, in response to the opposition’s proposal for a general amnesty for imprisoned minors, the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, has said it is now working to reduce the length of their sentences.

On the 90th anniversary of Children’s Day, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP, Devlet Bahçeli proposed a pardon for all children in prison. The proposal, however, was dismissed in Parliament on Wednesday. The AKP opposed the proposal, arguing that such a change could pave the way for a “general pardoning” for all imprisoned.

Instead, a new set of measures, including shortening minors’ sentences, was highlighted at the Parliament’s Judicial Committee where the proposal was discussed.

The AKP is preparing to work on amendments related to children involved in alleged terror crimes. They plan to lower the prison sentence for those who attend demonstrations, from one year and six months to one year. Those who attend demonstrations with emblems of alleged terror organizations or fight with security forces would be punished with a two-year jail sentence instead of the current five years. The AKP also plans to reduce the duration of stay in prison for children who stand accused of terror-related crimes. Children who have served two-thirds of their sentence of imprisonment will be released conditionally, according to the anticipated amendments.

Over 100 Filipino-Americans and human rights activists gathered at UCLA on April 22 to raise awareness about election fraud and the consequent increase of human rights violations in the Philippines. The “Power in Numbers” tour was part of a series of concerts across the country organized by BAYAN USA, an alliance of 14 progressive Filipino organizations in the United States.

The event began at the Fowler Amphitheatre with a celebration of Filipino culture and their struggle through art, music, poetry and dance. After the celebration, students and activists marched over to Moore Hall chanting, “NO JUSTICE! NO PEACE! U.S. OUT OF THE PHILIPPINES!”

Following the march, a special documentary screening of “Sounds of a New Hope,” by Eric Tandoc was held at Moore Hall. The documentary highlighted the life of Filipino-American MC Kiwi and his use of hip-hop as an organizing tool in the people’s movement for national liberation and democracy in the Philippines.

Attendees met with Eric Tandoc and Kiwi Illafonte after the screening for a discussion on the plight of Filipino people and the growth of hip-hop as part of the Philippine struggle for national liberation. They discussed the upcoming election and urged the public to spread the word about voting for progressive candidates. “The upcoming election has been used and abused by the ruling elite,” said Tandoc. “They have used fraud, intimidation, lies, bribery and even violence to rig the elections and stay in power.”

Since current Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took power in 2001, there has been an unprecedented amount of politically motivated killings in the Philippines. In the past 7 years, there have been over 1,000 murders, 204 enforced disappearances and 1,026 tortured victims reported by human rights organizations. The perpetrators are Philippine military, police and paramilitary units who continue to target pastors, teachers, union leaders, students, lawyers, journalists and healthcare workers.

Melissa Roxas, a human rights activist and founding member of BAYAN USA, was the first US citizen to be subjected to gross human rights violations in the Philippines. In May of 2009, she was abducted for conducting healthcare work and was held secretly in detention, where she was tortured for 6 days. “This is what happens when you’re perceived as doing activities that go against the government,” said Roxas. “Because the government doesn’t do what they should be doing – serving the poor and oppressed – they crack down on those that do,” she added.

Just recently, the Philippine military, along with local police, stormed a private ranch in Moro, Rizal and wrongfully arrested 43 health workers. The workers were undergoing health training to serve the vast majority of Filipino people who do not have access to healthcare. The workers were sexually abused and tortured mentally, physically, and psychologically, without access to lawyers or medical attention.

No one has been prosecuted for any violation of the law or basic human rights. The Philippine government continues its brutal policy, even as international condemnation for its gross human rights record has been expressed by various human rights organizations. To top things off, our US tax dollars are funding the Philippine military’s campaign to terrorize innocent people. Every year, the US sends tens of millions of dollars in military aid to the Philippines, which have added up to $1 billion in US taxpayer dollars since 1999.

The aim of the “Power in Numbers” tour is to inspire the public to call on President Obama to lead the effort to end US military aid to the Philippines by urging President Arroyo to free the 43 health workers and put an end to human rights violations committed by her military. Thus far, over 800 people have signed the “Free 43 Philippine Healthcare Workers” petition. It is up to us to stop US military aid from being used to kill, abduct, and torture innocent people. Click here to sign the petition.

For more information about Melissa Roxas and Eric Tandoc’s documentary please visit:

http://justiceformelissa.org/

http://soundsofanewhope.blogspot.com/

BY RAZMIG SARKISSIAN
LOS ANGELES – A coalition of Armenian and Kurdish organizations gathered in front of the Turkish Consulate on Wednesday, March 24, to demand the release of 15 year old Berivan, a young Kurdish girl sentenced to 8 years in prison on trumped-up charges of terrorism in Turkey.

Organized by the United Human Rights Council (UHRC), the protest brought together several Armenian and Kurdish youth organizations, including the Armenian Youth Federation, the ARF Shant Student Association, American Kurdish Information Network, and the Kurdish American Youth Organization.

Berivan was detained last October at a pro-Kurdish rally in Turkey for allegedly shouting slogans and throwing stones. Berivan pleaded not-guilty, contending that she was just watching the rally on the way to her aunt’s house.

Throughout the protest, demonstrators read excerpts from letters Berivan has written to friends and family, detailing her countless beatings from officers, coerced confession of guilt, and other hardships she faces in jail. Fact sheets, bearing her picture and story, were passed out to pedestrians while poster boards with slogans such as, “Turkey: Stop Jailing Kids,” were held for rush hour commuters on the crowded Wilshire Boulevard to see.

A Turkish flag and a sign reading, “Arrest the Oppressors, Free the Victims” hung inside a makeshift eight-by-eight prison cage constructed by the protesters. The cage, placed on the sidewalk for passers-by to see, represented the plight of Berivan and the more than 2,600 minors trapped in Turkish prisons.

“They should be home, just like my kids,” said Parwaz Qaradaghi, a Kurdish mother who brought along her 6 year old daughter Savia and 4 year old son Ara to show support for the imprisoned youth in Turkey, which she said should be “enjoying their youth, not sitting in jail.”

“Berivan is just a kid,” continued Qaradaghi. “a little kid, worried and stuck between the four walls of a jail cell. She needs to be with her family.”

Azad Moradian, Executive Board member of the Kurdish National Congress, condemned Turkey’s brutal practices and said that if it ever wants to be part of the international community, “it needs to start respecting its minorities.” Moradian saw the demonstration as a call for the freedom of speech and expression for Turkey’s minorities. “How else do they expect to join the European Union?,” he asked, alluding to the need for Turkey to remove its restrictions on free speech.

Ralph Fertig, a long time human rights activist and professor at USC, was also present at the event, which he saw as an “opportunity to speak out against Turkish oppression, which began with the Armenian genocide and continues today with the genocide against the Kurdish people.”

Fertig, who was the demonstration’s keynote speaker, explained that he has been a proponent of Kurdish rights in Turkey ever since he was President of the Humanitarian Law Project (HLP) when he was asked by Kurds to investigate their claims of oppression from Turkish Armed Forces. He traveled to Kurdistan and developed a report detailing the abuses he witnessed and clarified that the Kurdish protests were a legitimate liberation movement, thus subject to protection under international law. He presented his findings to the United Nations Human Rights Commissions, but was met with opposition in the United States. Fertig was charged under the US Patriot Act for supporting a terrorist organization. He is currently appealing to the Supreme Court to end the curtailment to his freedom of speech. His appeal was heard this past February and he is now awaiting the court’s ruling.

“This is the beginning of a movement that will grow and grow,” said Fertig as he spoke at the closing ceremony about the similarities between the American Civil Rights Movement and the Armenian and Kurdish liberation movements. “Movements like this grow because they have a logic, a reason, and a purpose – because they serve justice.”

Echoing these sentiments, Chairperson of the UHRC, Sanan Shirininan stated, “This is just one example of Turkish inhumanity, just one out of the countless others who suffer in silence at the hands of Turkish ultra-nationalism.”

“We will keep demanding Berivan’s freedom, we will keep fighting for the freedom of the 2,600 other children who are in prison throughout that country and we will keep demanding justice for all minorities who are denied their basic human rights within Turkey,” she exclaimed.

The protest ended with the releasing of doves, which Shirinian said, represented freedom for Berivan and all the other minors currently detained in Turkish prisons today.

The United Human Rights Council (UHRC) is a committee of the Armenian Youth Federation. By means of action on a grassroots level the UHRC works toward exposing and correcting human rights violations of governments worldwide, and aims to foster dialogue and collaboration between peoples who share this common vision.

Click here to see more photos and videos from the protest on the Haytoug Blog.

Ralph Fertig

Activists Call for Release of Minors in Turkish Prisons

BY SEROUJ APRAHAMIAN

LOS ANGELES – While a 15-year-old Kurdish girl gets sentenced to eight years in Turkish prison, here in the US, a longtime civil rights lawyer waits to hear from the Supreme Court on whether his advocacy for Kurdish rights will land him in jail. This Wednesday, a coalition of Armenian and Kurdish human rights activists will bring these travesties of justice to light with a mid-day protest in front of the Turkish Consulate.

“They want me not to speak out even for peace for this group of people [Kurds] who have been so woefully oppressed,” said Ralph Fertig, a well-known nonviolent activist and professor at USC, whose current U.S. Supreme Court case will determine whether speaking out on behalf of the Kurds constitutes support for terrorism under U.S. law. “They’re not going to stop me. I’ll speak out no matter what.”

Mr. Fertig is schedule to speak at Wednesday’s protest, which is set to begin at 2:00 p.m. on the corner of Wilshire Boulevard and McCarthy Vista. The United Human Rights Council (UHRC) and several Armenian and Kurdish youth organizations are organizing the demonstration, to demand the release of a 15-year-old Kurdish girl named Berivan, jailed in Turkey for eight years on charges of “supporting an illegal organization.”

Berivan was detained this past October at a pro-Kurdish rally in Turkey and charged with shouting slogans and throwing stones. Despite denying these accusations and explaining that she was not part of the rally—but was merely watching out of curiosity on her way to visit an aunt—Berivan was sent to jail for eight years. There are currently hundreds of other Kurdish children in Turkish jails for similarly false accusations and minor offenses.

In addition to erecting an eight-by-eight makeshift “children’s cell” to represent the unjust jailing of Berivan, demonstrators will release doves into the sky and call for the freeing of the more than 2,600 minors currently in Turkish prisons.

“We plan to expose the human rights violations Turkey is committing against Kurdish children,” said Sanan Shirinian, Chairwoman of the UHRC. “These kids should be going to school and playing with their friends, not being thrown in jail because of their nationality.”

The case of Berivan and Mr. Fertig are emblematic of both the ongoing repression of the Turkish government and its attempts to curtail discussion of its abuses here in the United States. “Our right to speak out against the systematic effort to eliminate an ethnic group on the soil it has occupied for 6,000years is now being tested in the U.S. Supreme Court,” explained Fertig. “It is mandatory that we exercise free speech rights before they are curtailed and our appeal is rendered criminal.”

Now in his eighties, Mr. Fertig has a long history of nonviolent activism on behalf of the oppressed and downtrodden. He was jailed and beaten as a Freedom Rider during the Civil Rights movement and has fought for social justice as a federal administrative judge. More recently, he has taken on the cause of the Kurds in Turkey.

“I will speak not only for the Kurds but for America, for the right to tell my fellow Americans that others suffer because we are silent,” said Mr. Fertig.

The United Human Rights Council (UHRC) is a committee of the Armenian Youth Federation. By means of action on a grassroots level the UHRC works toward exposing and correcting human rights violations of governments worldwide, and aims to foster dialogue and collaboration between peoples who share this common vision.

An annual demonstration at the Turkish consulate in Los Angeles on April 24 2009, where thousands gathered to protest the ongoing denial of the Armenian Genocide by Ankara.

LOS ANGELES–A coalition of human rights activists will mobilize at the Turkish Consulate in Los Angeles (6300 Wilshire blvd. Los Angeles, 90048) on March 24 to demand the release of a 15 year-old Kurdish girl jailed in Turkey for 8 years on charges of terrorism.

The demonstration, set to begin at 2pm, is being organized by the United Human Rights Council in conjunction with the Armenian Youth Federation, ARF Shant Student Association, American Kurdish Information Network, Kurdish American Youth Organization and Kurdish Community of Southern California.

“Turkey’s Kurds today are experiencing the same oppression, subjugation and mistreatment that the Armenians faced a century ago under Ottoman rule,” explained Shirnian. “We have built a strong coalition with Armenian and Kurdish youth groups throughout the country and are standing united against Turkey’s human rights violations, especially the political repression and imprisonment of innocent children.”

Berivan was found guilty of “crimes on behalf of an illegal organization” after prosecutors alleged she had hurled stones and shouted slogans at a demonstration in the south-eastern city of Batman in October 2009.

She is among a growing number of Kurdish youth being tried and jailed in Turkey on charges of terrorism. The prosecutions come amid increased political tension in the Muslim country as it faces a fierce backlash from an impoverished Kurdish minority outraged over government sponsored terror and oppression.

“With over 2,600 minors serving time in Turkish prisons, the recent arrest of Berivan comes as no surprise,” said UHRC chairperson Sanan Shirinian. “Kurdish children are being systematically imprisoned for merely singing their native songs, peacefully voicing concerns within their communities or simply being at the wrong place at the wrong time.”

Though the Kurds represent the largest linguistic minority in Turkey, comprising approximately 20% of the population, they have been subject to methodical oppression since the 1920’s.

“The Turkish government and military have been oppressing the Kurdish minority for decades, subjecting them to poverty, denying them their human rights, banning their political parties, and waging a brutal war on the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK),” said Shirinian.”These injustices should not go unnoticed and the perpetrators should be made to account for their repressive policies.”

The PKK has been fighting for equal rights and liberation in the southeast of Turkey since 1984. Turkey characterizes their struggle for freedom as terrorism and has dealt with it as such, clamping down on the country’s Turkish population and using military force and counter-insurgency techniques to destroy the organization.

The government recently announced steps to reconcile with Kurds by expanding greater cultural rights in an effort to end the conflict that has led to the disappearance and death of thousands of Kurds. Those steps, which include cosmetic reforms and pledges for equality, have been criticized by Turkey’s Kurds as hollow.

“Berivan’s arrest and prosecution come as a direct result of those hollow reforms,” said UHRC activist Nora Kayserian, noting that her arrest came at a demonstration against a government ban in December of the only Kurdish political party in the country, the Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP).

The forced closure of the party and the subsequent late-night arrest of some 60 Kurdish political leaders sent shock-waves throughout the country, sparking weeks of demonstrations and violent clashes across Turkey.

“Turkey claims to be a country devoted to democracy, yet principles of democracy are not implemented,” added Kayserian. “The cycle of oppression committed against the Kurds is clear evidence that Turkey is far from being a democratic state..”

The United Human Rights Council (UHRC) is a committee of the Armenian Youth Federation. By means of action on a grassroots level the UHRC works toward exposing and correcting human rights violations of governments worldwide, and aims to foster dialogue and collaboration between peoples who share this common vision. More information can be obtained by emailing: uhrc@ayfwest.org

Sara Cohan of the Genocide Education Project conducts a workshop with community activists on strategies for teaching genocide in public schools

GLENDALE, CA–The United Human Rights Council on Thursday, January 28, hosted a Genocide Education Workshop with the Armenian Youth Federation and the ARF Shant Student Association focusing on effective methods for implementing Armenian Genocide education in public schools.

The workshop was conducted by Sara Cohan, the Educational Director of the San Francisco-based Genocide Education Project (Gen Ed) at Sardarabad Bookstore in Glendale.

“This was a great opportunity for students and activists to learn effective ways to educate others about genocide at their local campuses,” said UHRC Chairperson Sanan Shirinian. “There is no better place to teach about the horrors of genocide than on campus, where you have an educated, captivated and motivated audience ready to absorb truth and take action.”

Cohan discussed the implementation of Armenian Genocide education in public schools and gave a brief overview of trends in genocide education, highlighting the strides made in implementing the history of the Armenian Genocide into secondary level curricula as well as hurdles still left to overcome.  She also explored ways to be more involved in promoting the history of the Armenian Genocide in U.S. schools.

The Gen Ed projec is a non-profit organization assisting educators in teaching about human rights and genocide, particularly the Armenian Genocide, by developing and distributing instructional materials, providing access to teaching resources and organizing educational workshops.

“What the Project does is that we create materials and resources for teachers to use in the classroom to teach about the Armenian Genocide and other human rights violations. And we also create seminars and provide individual support and information for teachers,” Cohan said.

Sara Cohan of the Genocide Education Project

“We have a variety of materials that tap into different types of learning styles and abilities, and we have a curriculum that’s available online for free,” Cohan said, adding that the organization’s curriculum has a series of lesson plans based on a one-day, two-day, or ten-day programs that include studying maps, hearing survivor testimony, a mock trial, and various other interactive components.

During her workshop, Cohan looked at different ways to bring genocide education into schools and how kids on campuses can participate in the project. In addition to introducing workshop attendees to the organization’s tools and methods, the workshop also served as a forum for discussion about individual school cases and current and foreseeable community projects.

Vache Thomassian, an AYF activsit and member of UHRC, asked Cohan about the prospects of setting up workshops specifically geared toward giving young activists the tools and experience they need to become field workers for Genocide Ed.

“The Gen Ed project does great work setting up workshops and helping teachers incorporate the Armenian genocide into their cirriculum,” Thomassian said. Just as important as it is to teach teachers, the Gen Ed project can be an amazing way to teach activists who in turn can educate others.”

Last year the AYF went to several high school and junior high campuses to present to the students on the topic. Thomassian said. “We did a good job conveying the basics, but the prospects for more effectively teaching the issue to youth becomes all the more promissing when you have an army of trained and empowered activists holding workshops at local schools and college campuses,” he added.

The United Human Rights Council is a committee of the Armenian Youth Federation. By means of action on a grassroots level, it works toward correcting and exposing the human rights violations of governments that distort, deny, and delude history to disguise past and present genocides, massacres, and human rights violations. For more information about the activities and mission of the UHRC, contact uhrc@ayfwest.org