The Ukrainian Famine was dreadful famine premeditated by the Soviet Union, headed by Joseph Stalin during 1932-1933, as a means to undermine the nationalistic pride of the Ukrainian people. It served to control and further oppress the Ukrainian people by denying them the basic vital essentials they needed to survive. The Ukrainian Famine is also known as Holodomor, meaning “death by hunger.”

The Communist Regime sought to eliminate any threat from Ukrainian nationalists, whom they feared had the potential to form a rebellion and to seek independence from the Soviet Union. More than 5,000 Ukrainian intellectuals were arrested and later were either murdered or deported to prison camps in Siberia. These individuals were falsely accused of plotting an armed rebellion; however it was very clear that Stalin’s intentions were to eliminate the leaders of Ukrainian society, to leave the masses without any guidance or direction.

Stalin regarded the self-sufficient farms of the Ukraine peasants, as a threat to his ideals. He did not want the Ukrainian peasants to prosper freely from the wealth accumulated from independent farm holdings. The wealthier farmers were termed as “kulaks”, and became the primary target of “dekulukization,” an effort to eliminate independent farm-holdings, and create collective farm units. The Communists attempted to gain the support of the poorer class of peasants, by turning them against the kulak class of farmers. A false image of the Kulak class portrayed them as a danger to society. Contrary to the expected outcome of the Communists’ plan, the poor farmers sided with the kulaks, instead of siding with the Soviet authorities. As a result many of them became new targets of dekulakization. Many other poor farmers unwillingly joined collective farms. Those who attempted to aid a “kulak” were punished under the law.

The Soviet police confiscated the Ukrainian farmers of their homes, livestock, wheat crops, and valuable possessions. They imposed heavy grain taxes, deliberately leaving families to starve. Those who resisted giving up their homes and crops, were violently shot to death or deported to regions in Siberia. Some families and individuals chose to burn their homes to the ground and kill their livestock, instead of handing it over to Soviet authorities. Families, who tried to hide grain resources, in order to sustain a source of food, were killed. This campaign of terror was organized to instill fear within the people, and force them to relinquish all that they had. The ultimate goal was to have these people embrace Soviet-ism and abandon all nationalistic pride.

A system of internal passports prevented Ukrainians from leaving their towns and villages. Thus villagers were not able to cross the border and escape the torment by fleeing to other countries. When news of the Famine reached the Ukrainian Diaspora in the United States and Europe, food supplies were sent to Ukraine to assist the starving people. However all food shipments were denied at the border by Soviet authorities. Following the Soviet Union’s policy of denying any allegations having to do with the Famine, all outside assistance was refused. Even journalists were not allowed in Ukraine, because the Soviet government feared that the media would reveal the perpetrated crimes against the Ukrainian people. When an individual claimed that there was a famine in Ukraine they were considered to be spreading anti-Soviet propaganda. Even stating the words “famine” or “hunger” could cause someone to end up in jail.

All the grain taken from Ukrainian farmers were exported to European countries, and the money generated from these sales, were used to fuel Stalin’s Five Year Plan for the transformation of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union purchased many products and weapons from Western countries. Those western countries in return remained silent in regards to the starving Ukrainians. Grain that was not yet shipped out was reserved in granaries. While the animals that were needed for work on the farms were fed, the people were left to starve. The granaries were guarded to ensure no one would steal grain supplies. Anyone who attempted to do so was shot and killed.

It was estimated that about 25,000 Ukrainians were dying every day during the Famine. Desperation and extreme hunger even lead to cases of cannibalism and consequentially thousands were arrested  for this act.

Despite many Ukrainian Communist leaders’ objections to Stalin and his decrees, Stalin continued to raise grain quotas, which led to worsening of the famine. Many Communists blame the orchestrated famine on an unsuccessful harvest and crop yield, failing to acknowledge the crimes perpetrated by the Soviet government and authorities It is estimated that more than 10 million people died as a result of violent executions, deportation, and starvation.

Currently Russia does not recognize the Ukrainian Famine or Holodomor, as genocide. The Russian State Duma stated that there was starvation in many parts of the Soviet Union, and it is insulting and incorrect for the Ukrainians to claim that they were directly targeted. Despite Russia’s persistent denial of the Ukrainian Famine, many countries around the world have recognized the atrocious crimes committed against the Ukrainian people as genocide. Australia, Brazil, Canada, Columbia, Estonia, Ecuador, Georgia, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, and the United States of America regard the Ukrainian Famine from 1932-1933 as genocide.  Argentina, Czech Republic, Chile, Slovakia, Spain, Balearic Islands, Spain, and Vatican consider Holodomor as a deliberate act of famine.

On November 28, 2006 the Parliament of Ukraine adopted a law that recognized the artificial famine in Ukraine as genocide committed against the Ukrainian people. The law also made public denial of the Ukrainian Genocide illegal. Ukrainian Genocide commemoration day is on November 26.

Sources:

http://www.faminegenocide.com/resources/ukraine_famine.html

http://www.historyplace.com/worldhistory/genocide/stalin.htm

Հոդվածը կարդացեք հայերենով

HOLLYWOOD, CA—Over two hundred men and women gathered in Little Armenia on Sunday, January 30, 2011, for a march to end violence against women, organized by the United Human Rights Council of the Armenian Youth Federation.

Activists marched in memory of Zaruhi Petrosyan, a twenty year old mother who was brutally murdered by her husband and mother-in-law in October and to demand the just prosecution of all responsible parties.

The march took place despite incessant morning rain, just hours before a solidarity protest was scheduled to take place in front of the Armenian Prosecutor-General’s office in Yerevan. Angered Armenians in the Diaspora and within Armenia demand that the government pass comprehensive domestic violence legislation and work to prevent and punish familial violence.

“Unfortunately it took this terrible incident to truly wake us up and acknowledge the magnitude effects of domestic violence on our people,” stated UHRC Chairperson Sanan Shirinian. “While the death of Zaruhi Petrosyan is a great tragedy, we must see her life and her suffering as a desperate call to bring about change within our social structures, change within our mindsets and change within Armenia’s legal system.”

Narine Jallatyan, a representative of the UHRC, spoke about the lessons Armenians can learn from women’s movements throughout history. She stressed that any problems plaguing Armenia are also problems of the Diaspora. Jallatyan urged the communities to take action to address domestic violence in the homeland and locally as well.

Representing the Armenian Relief Society – Western Region, Nyree Derderian highlighted the importance of empowering women. She commended the AYF for their efforts in bringing attention to one of the most critical social issues facing Armenian women. Linda Qassabian of the YWCA of Glendale spoke about her emotional experiences counseling victims of domestic violence for the past 3 years. She stated that she continues to be saddened by the number of Armenian women that enter the shelter.

During the march, activists paused to read aloud testimonials from victims of domestic violence in Armenia.  These emotionally charged stories conveyed the message that the violent behavior against women can no longer be overlooked and no longer tolerated.

“Many refuse to confront the issue because they don’t want to break up the strong family unit,” explained UHRC member Nora Kayserian. “What they fail to realize, however, is the psychological consequences that violence causes in families. When violence becomes part of the daily lives of families, children begin to view it as normal behavior. Growing up in such a hostile environment is likely to cause a child to resort to violent behavior during their adult years, thus resulting in a cycle of violence.”

“This is a small step that we have made together to ensure justice for one innocent victim, Zaruhi, who will remain in our hearts. This is also a small step to raise awareness and bring change in our communities here and in our homeland,” said marcher Gev Iskajyan.

The United Human Rights Council (UHRC) is a committee of the Armenian Youth Federation. By means of action on a grassroots level, the UHRC works toward exposing and correcting human rights violations of governments worldwide, and aims to foster dialogue and collaboration between peoples who share this common vision.

Visit: www.UnitedHumanRights.org, Follow: Facebook.com/unitedhumanrights,  Twitter.com/uhrc

Photo Credit: Nora Yacoubian

Click here to view the embedded video.

Հոլիվուդ, Կալիֆորնիա – Երկու հարյուրից ավել կին և տղամարդ մասնակցեցին Հոլիվուդի Փոկրիկ Հայաստան թաղամասում կանանց բռնության դեմ տեղի ունեցած  քայլարշավին, որը կազմակերպվել էր Հայ Երիտասարդաց Դաշնակցության Մարդու Իրավունքների Միացյալ Խորհրդի (ՄԻՄԽ) կողմից:  Քայլարշավը նվիրված էր քսանամյա Զարուհի Պետրոսյանի հիշատակին, ով 2011թ. Հոկտեմբերին վայրագորեն սպանվել է իր ամուսնու և սկեսուրի կողմից՝ դաժանորեն ծեծվելու հետևանքով:  Ցույցի մասնակիցներերը պահանջում էին արդար դատավարություն այս ոճռագործության մեղսնակիցների նկատմամբ:

Քայլարշավը տեղի ունեցավ չնայած անդադար անձրևի, Հայաստանի Գլխավոր Դատախազի Երևանյան գրասենյակի դեմ ծրագրված ցույցից մի քանի ժամ առաջ:   Սփյուռքում և Հայաստանում՝ զայրացած հայորդիները պահանջում են, որ Հայաստանի կառավարությունը ընդունի ընտանեկան բռնության դեմ օրենքներ՝ այդ երևույթը կանխելու և պատժելու նպատակով:

«Դժբախտաբար, պետք է տեղի ունենար այսպիսի ահավոր ու ցավալի իրադարձություն, որպիսի մենք արթնանաինք և հասկանաինք այս երևույթի ծավալն ու հետևանքները մեր հասարակության համար», ասաց  ՄԻՄԽ-ի ատենապետ Սանան Շիրինյանը:  «Մինչդեռ Զարուհի Պետրոսյանի մահը ահռելի ողբերգություն է, մենք պետք է նրա տառապանքներն ու վախճանը դիտենք իբրև հուսաբեկ կոչ՝ մեր սոցիալական կառույցների, մտածելակերպի և օրենսդրական համակարգի մեջ փոփոխություններ կատարելու պահանջ»:

Մարդու Իրավունքների Միացյալ Խորհրդի ներկայացուցիչ Նարինե Ջալլաթյանը խոսեց այն դասերի մասին, որոնք մենք՝ հայերս կարող ենք քաղել պատմության ընթացքում տեղի ունեցած կանանց շարժումներից:  Նա շեշտեց, որ Հայաստանում գոյություն ունեցող յուրաքանչյուր խնդիր նաև Սփյուռքի խնդիրն է: Ջալլաթյանը կոչ արեց, որ թե՛ Սփյուռքի և թե՛ Հայաստանի համայնքները իրական քայլերի դիմեն՝ ընտանեկան բռնության հարցը լուծելու համար:

Հայ Օգնության Միության (ՀՕՄ) Արևմտյան Ամերիկայի ներկայայացուցիչ Նաիրի Տերտերյանը ընդգծեց կանանց հզորացման կարևորությունը:  Նա գովեց Հայ Երիտասարդաց Դաշնակցության անդամներին և իրենց կատարած աշխատանքը՝ հայ կանանց համար այսպիսի կարևորություն ունեցող  հարցը հասարակական ուշադրուդրության կենտրոն դարձնելու համար:  Գլենդելի Երիտասարդ Կանանց Քրիստոնյական Միության (ԵԿՔՄ) անդամ Լինդա Քասաբյանը պատմեց վերջին երեք տարիների իր զգացմունքային ապրումների մասին՝ իբրև ընտանեկան բռնության զոհերի համար նախատեսված թաքստոցի խորհրդատու:  Նա ասաց, որ շարունակաբար մտահոգված և թախծած է ապաստարանի դիմող հայ կանանց քանակով:

«Շատերը հրաժարվում են արծարծել այս հարցը՝ ամուր ընտանեկան կապերը չքայքայելու նպատակով», ասաց Մարդու Իրավունքների Միացյալ Խորհրդի անդամ Նորա Կայսերյանը:  «Իրենք չեն գիտակցում թե՛ ինչպիսի հոգեբանական հետևանքներ են թողնում նման միջադեպերը ընտանիքներում:  Երբ բռնությունը դառնում է ընտանեկան ապրելակերպի ամենօրյա երևույթ, երեխաները սկսում են դա համարել նորմալ վարքագիծ:  Այսպիսի թշնամական միջավայրում մէծանալը շատ հավանական է, որ պատճառ դառնա երեխայի մոտ ագրեսիվ վարքի դրսեվորման պատանեկան և դեռահաս տարիքում:  Այս ամբողջը կարող է առաջացնել բռնության մի անվերջ պարբերաշրջան»:

«Սա մի փոքր քայլ է, որ մենք կատարել ենք միասին, որպեսզի արդարություն պահանջենք մեկ անմեղ զոհի՝ Զարուհու համար, ով ընդմիշտ կմնա մեր սրտերում: Սա նաև մի փոքր քայլ է, որ մեզ կօգնի այս հարցը բարձրաձնել և փոփոխությունների հասնել մեր հասարակության մեջ, այստեղ և Հայրենիքում», եզրափակեց քայլարշավի մասնակից Գևորգ Իսկաջյանը:

Մարդու Իրավունքների Միացյալ Խորհուրդը (ՄԻՄԽ)՝ Հայ Երիտասարդաց Դաշնակցության հանձնախումբն է:  ՄԻՄԽ-ի նպատակն է լուսարկել և ուղղել աշխարհի տարբեր պետությունների կողմից գործադրած մարդու իրավունքների խախտումները և նպաստել ընդհանուր հայացքներ ունեցող ժողովրդների միջև համագործակցության և երկխոսության զարգացմանը:

Այցելեք մեր կայքէջը՝ UnitedHumanRights.org և հետևեք մեր աշխատանքներին Facebook.com/unitedhumanrights և Twitter.com/uhrc էջերում:

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On January 30, 2011 we will be organizing a march to raise awareness about violence against women. We will gather at Rose and Alex Pilibos Armenian School (1615 N. Alexandria Ave. Los Angeles) at 1:30pm.  We will listen to a few speakers, sign petitions and march around Little Armenia carrying signs and reading testimonials.

We do not expect this short, two mile march in Hollywood to immediately transform the unfortunate neglect for women’s rights among our people, nor do we expect it to trigger a feminist movement overnight.  Regardless, we will march. We will march to honor and remember 20-year old Zaruhi Petrosyan, whose name has been eternally engraved in our hearts. We will march in solidarity with courageous activists in Armenia who are dedicated to making positive change within the country. We will march to demand that the Government of Armenia take immediate action to prevent and punish violence against women. We will march so that victims of domestic violence, locally and abroad, know that there is hope.

Our request with this march, and with all other efforts that will follow, is nothing too difficult to grant. As women, we will not be compartmentalized to “traditional” roles that were not defined by us, nor will we be held to lower standards.  We will reject the flowers given to us on March 8, reject the idealization of our femininity, reject our tokenization, and reject any pedestals you might place us upon. To be recognized as merely human is enough. To be respected as equal peoples and given the opportunity to live our daily lives without the constant fear of abuse is truly enough. We will not accept, nor believe others should accept violence as a normal or natural part of male behavior.

Women, you are inherently valuable to this world, and your liberation is a necessity to your existence as human beings. However, the only people who care enough about you to work over and over again for your wellbeing, is you. So please, don’t compromise your worth by accepting an ill fate because it is all you have known.  If you are convinced that change will never come, let me remind you, women throughout history, in almost every part of the world have had to fight for equality, it has never been recognized as such an intrinsic idea.

So we ask you, abusive ones, resentful ones, fearful ones, and silent ones, take this march as something more than a single occurrence on a Sunday afternoon. Let it represent a step towards understanding a hidden but very real problem that will only worsen with silence and denial. Let it represent a set of beliefs for healthier and more fulfilling lives, not only for women but for everyone.

With Anticipation,

Sanan Shirinian
United Human Rights Council

By Nora Injeyan

The history of anti-semitism in Europe stretches back far before the Holocaust and took on three forms. The original roots of this hatred is religion-based.  Early Christian writings charge Jews with the crime of deicide, ignoring the facts that the Gospels were written over 60 years after the fact and by men who wanted to gain favor with the Romans, consequently blaming the Jews for the killing of the Christian messiah.  The second form, taking place during the Middle Ages, grew in its oppression by actively seeking conversion of the Jews.  Adding to the accusation of deicide came the charge of Blood Libel, a widespread belief that Jews killed Gentile children and used their blood for Matsuh.  However, during this time, conversion was an “acceptable escape” from Jewry.  It was not until the late nineteenth century where the third stage, racial anti-semitism, began to develop.  Following the popular concept of social-darwinism, the Jews began to be looked at not as followers of a religion but as an inferior race.  Moreover, whereas during the Middle Ages the Jew was seen as pathetic but not a source of fear, beginning in the late nineteenth century, the Jew was seen as a threat which needed to be eradicated.  This fear only further developed during World War I where the Jews were conveniently blamed for Germany’s war-time losses.  Adding to this was post-war inflation which wiped out the middle class who had their money in savings, leaving those who sold products, many being Jewish, less affected.  This financial gap only exacerbated the situation for the Jews of the Weimar Republic.

The fact that there was already a clear feeling of anti-semitism in Germany and Europe allowed for a man like Adolf Hitler to manipulate this hate to his benefit.  Like the Young-Turk idea of Pan-Turanism, Turkey for the Turks, Hitler adhered to the idea of Lebensraum, living space for Aryans.  This living space, in his eyes, was polluted by the genetically unfit, namely Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals and the mentally deficient.  With his election in 1933, anti-semitism officially found its way into German politics.  This began first with legal attacks on Jewry such as the Nuremberg Laws that officially defined who was a Jew, and in doing so gave rise to a bureaucracy that began searching into family histories.  This legal attack on Jews took a sharp turn on the November 9, 1938, by a move known as Krystallnacht or “Night of Broken Glass.”  This was not only the first openly violent attack on German Jewry but there was no punishment or repercussion by the German government for those who took part in the assault.

The Holocaust had premeditated systems of isolation and destruction.  As mentioned before however, Jews were not the only victims of the Holocaust.  The Nazis put into place the T-4 program, a policy of euthanasia which sought out the “genetically unfit.”  The first target of this program was disabled children.  Because “racial purity” was a cornerstone to Nazi ideology, it became normal to eliminate genetic disease through sterilization and other means.  There was also a ghetto structure which allowed the Germans to confiscate Jewish property while they were relocated, isolate the Jews from the general population, use them as forced labor and ultimately, the ghetto system was used as propaganda to confirm the Nazi image of the Jews.  Because so many were forced to live in such small, confined areas, the living conditions inevitably became unsanitary and disgusting, a situation the Nazis used to illustrate their stereotypes of the “filthy Jew.”  There was also an extensive concentration camp system in place.  All concentration camps were built near railroads in order to facilitate convenient transportion of the victims.  Although there were over 10,000 camps, only six were death camps, many were either transit or labor camps.  Auschwitz-Birkenau was the largest, although two separate camps, they were very close to one another and one-sixth of all Jews brought were killed.  This camp also engaged in brutal medical experiments in Block 11 by Dr. Joseph Mengele who was most interested in experimenting with twins where he subjected them to extreme temperatures or injected dye into their eyes to change the color.

Although the circumstances were bleak in the camps, it should be noted that there were instances of armed resistances in the ghettos.  The most notable example is that of the Warsaw ghetto.  A unique characteristic of this uprising was that the intent was not to free the ghetto or to escape death.  Those involved in the uprising knew their resistance was futile but did so only for the sake of fighting back.  It was an acknowledged fact that the members of the ghetto were fated for death yet they staged one of the most successful uprisings for no other reason then to fight back.  Other revolts include the Treblinka camp revolt, the Sobibor revolt and the Auschwitz-Birkenau Sondercommando revolt.

As with other genocides there are still pseudo-academics and academic organizations which proliferate genocide denial

The history of anti-semitism in Europe stretches back far before the Holocaust and took on three forms. The original roots of this hatred is religion-based.  Early Christian writings charge Jews with the crime of deicide, ignoring the facts that the Gospels were written over 60 years after the fact and by men who wanted to gain favor with the Romans, consequently blaming the Jews for the killing of the Christian messiah.  The second form, taking place during the Middle Ages, grew in its oppression by actively seeking conversion of the Jews.  Adding to the accusation of deicide came the charge of Blood Libel, a widespread belief that Jews killed Gentile children and used their blood for Matsuh.  However, during this time, conversion was an “acceptable escape” from Jewry.  It was not until the late nineteenth century where the third stage, racial anti-semitism, began to develop.  Following the popular concept of social-darwinism, the Jews began to be looked at not as followers of a religion but as an inferior race.  Moreover, whereas during the Middle Ages the Jew was seen as pathetic but not a source of fear, beginning in the late nineteenth century, the Jew was seen as a threat which needed to be eradicated.  This fear only further developed during World War I where the Jews were conveniently blamed for Germany’s war-time losses.  Adding to this was post-war inflation which wiped out the middle class who had their money in savings, leaving those who sold products, many being Jewish, less affected.  This financial gap only exacerbated the situation for the Jews of the Weimar Republic.

The fact that there was already a clear feeling of anti-semitism in Germany and Europe allowed for a man like Adolf Hitler to manipulate this hate to his benefit.  Like the Young-Turk idea of Pan-Turanism, Turkey for the Turks, Hitler adhered to the idea of Lebensraum, living space for Aryans.  This living space, in his eyes, was polluted by the genetically unfit, namely Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals and the mentally deficient.  With his election in 1933, anti-semitism officially found its way into German politics.  This began first with legal attacks on Jewry such as the Nuremberg Laws that officially defined who was a Jew, and in doing so gave rise to a bureaucracy that began searching into family histories.  This legal attack on Jews took a sharp turn on the November 9, 1938, by a move known as Krystallnacht or “Night of Broken Glass.”  This was not only the first openly violent attack on German Jewry but there was no punishment or repercussion by the German government for those who took part in the assault.

The Holocaust had premeditated systems of isolation and destruction.  As mentioned before however, Jews were not the only victims of the Holocaust.  The Nazis put into place the T-4 program, a policy of euthanasia which sought out the “genetically unfit.”  The first target of this program was disabled children.  Because “racial purity” was a cornerstone to Nazi ideology, it became normal to eliminate genetic disease through sterilization and other means.  There was also a ghetto structure which allowed the Germans to confiscate Jewish property while they were relocated, isolate the Jews from the general population, use them as forced labor and ultimately, the ghetto system was used as propaganda to confirm the Nazi image of the Jews.  Because so many were forced to live in such small, confined areas, the living conditions inevitably became unsanitary and disgusting, a situation the Nazis used to illustrate their stereotypes of the “filthy Jew.”  There was also an extensive concentration camp system in place.  All concentration camps were built near railroads in order to facilitate convenient transportion of the victims.  Although there were over 10,000 camps, only six were death camps, many were either transit or labor camps.  Auschwitz-Birkenau was the largest, although two separate camps, they were very close to one another and one-sixth of all Jews brought were killed.  This camp also engaged in brutal medical experiments in Block 11 by Dr. Joseph Mengele who was most interested in experimenting with twins where he subjected them to extreme temperatures or injected dye into their eyes to change the color.

Although the circumstances were bleak in the camps, it should be noted that there were instances of armed resistances in the ghettos.  The most notable example is that of the Warsaw ghetto.  A unique characteristic of this uprising was that the intent was not to free the ghetto or to escape death.  Those involved in the uprising knew their resistance was futile but did so only for the sake of fighting back.  It was an acknowledged fact that the members of the ghetto were fated for death yet they staged one of the most successful uprisings for no other reason then to fight back.  Other revolts include the Treblinka camp revolt, the Sobibor revolt and the Auschwitz-Birkenau Sondercommando revolt.

As with other genocides there are still pseudo-academics and academic organizations which proliferate genocide denial

The Armenian Youth Federation was quick to respond to the deal by releasing a statement calling for Bryant to take a moral stand and rescind his contract. However, some community members have viewed this “hard-lined” approach as unwarranted—referring to Bryant as a businessman who is simply following the dollar signs, or pointing out that Bryant isn’t an Armenian and therefore would not be interested in the Armenian Genocide.

These perspectives raise concerns about the way we think about ourselves, leading to two important points which have to be made clear: 1) The denial of the Armenian Genocide is not an “Armenian only” issue; 2) We underestimate our true capacity to bring change.

We can look back in history to elaborate these points. From the 1940’s to the 1990’s South Africa was ruled by one political party which implemented a policy of legal racial segregation known as apartheid. The minority white population held all the political power and subjugated the black majority to dehumanizing conditions. In the 1970’s an international movement began that encouraged investors to withdraw direct investment in South African companies and pushed citizens to stop supporting US based companies which had business interests in South Africa, as an act of protest against apartheid.

The movement grew as stockholders pressed their boards of directors, and investors became weary. The movement grew as universities like Berkeley, Stanford and Columbia organized their campuses to divest billions in endowment and bond money from companies with South African ties. This movement was lead by youth and fueled in part by celebrities using their fame to raise awareness for the cause. The billions of dollars that stopped flowing-in undoubtedly got the South African government’s attention. US cities and states followed suit, passing divestment legislation, all leading up to the “Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act” in 1986 which banned new US investments and military sales to South Africa.

The divestment campaign, coupled with the internal struggle of the oppressed population, led to the dismemberment of the apartheid government in South Africa in the early 1990’s. Divestment from apartheid South Africa was lead by people like you: the consumer who asked where their products came from, the student who organized her campus, the union member who pressured her company, the religious leader who encouraged their parish, the musician who wrote a song; people who otherwise, individually, could never have made a difference.

Today we see another divestment movement which has taken shape.  The Genocide currently taking place in Darfur, Sudan has resulted in the murder of almost half a million. Celebrities, like George Clooney and Don Cheadle have given their time and support, not to make a petty profit, but to raise awareness about the desperate situation.  The Al-Bashir government (which unsurprisingly has strong ties with the government of Turkey), has ignored all international humanitarian efforts and continues its genocidal policies. The move to economically isolate the Sudan may be the last hope to stop a catastrophic situation.

The mindset that led the divestment movement is the mindset that our communities and youth should be driven by today.

Justice for the Armenian Genocide is an international human rights issue that belongs on the minds of every single investor in the Republic of Turkey, and every person—celebrity, athlete, actor, socialite—who endorses or supports the government or trade with the government. The moral difficulty of dealing with a company which does business in Turkey should be enough of a factor to dissuade any deal, for any amount of money.

Here, when I see a public figure like Kobe Bryant associate himself with a Turkish company, my reaction is not a knee-jerk hate-inspired reaction, it’s a confident reaction that says, “If he knew the facts, he would quickly change his mind.”

Turkish Airlines is not only the national airlines of Turkey; the government of Turkey owns 49.1% of the company. It’s also a prime example of the public relations work the government is doing to try to repair decades of negativity as a result of its human rights record.

Our choice is to either accept what we think is invincible, or connect our cause, organize and have our concerns heard.

It may seem trivial for an activist youth organization to become a thorn in the side of a multi-million dollar basketball icon, but the fact of the matter remains that a principled stance must be taken when it comes to supporting a genocide-denying regime like the current Turkish government. Much like the South African example demonstrated, decades of inhumanity can succumb to the power of the dollar, and to the power of organization.

Unfortunately, this article is not a call for us to divest from Turkey, because my honest opinion is that we aren’t ready for that step…yet. We have a hard enough time convincing Armenian grocery store owners and importers to stop selling Turkish tomato paste, when the Armenian alternatives are readily available. We have a hard enough time of convincing our new generation that an act of protest is not a one day a year occurrence. And we have a hard enough time convincing some people that our fight for genocide recognition has nothing to do with hating the enemy, and has everything to do with loving our own people.

This is just a first step that says our fight should be everyone’s fight and our power does not yet even know it’s potential.

_____
Vaché Thomassian is a member of the Armenian Youth Federation Central Executive and the Editor of Haytoug magazine.

LOS ANGELES–Lakers guard Kobe Bryant has signed a 2 year agreement with Turkey’s national airline carrier. Bryant will be the reported “global ambassador” for Turkish Airlines, serving as the face and image of the company and its manager, the Turkish Republic, the Armenian Youth Federation reported Tuesday.

The decision has caused uproar within the Armenian-American community in the United States and especially within Southern California, which boasts the largest population of Armenians outside of Armenia. As victims of genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Turkish government from 1915-1923, Armenians are angered that Bryant would sign a contract with a country that denies justice to the victims.

It’s a two-year deal that will involve Bryant starring in a promotional film that will be aired on international television channels and in movie theaters in more than 80 countries next year, reported CNBC on Tuesday.

Armenian Americans hope that Kobe would balance what clearly looks to be a profitable business deal with a strong moral statement against Turkey’s violations of human rights, including, of course, its ongoing denial of the Armenian Genocide.

Soon after the announcement of Bryant’s deal, disappointed callers flooded the lines of AM 570, the Laker radio station for over 30 years. Many in the community wonder how Bryant, who plays in a city with such a significant Armenian-American population, can sign a deal with a carrier which represents a country with such a deplorable human rights record.

Armenian Youth Federation offices throughout Southern California have similarly been bombarded with phone calls from concerned Armenian youth asking for a call to action.

The AYF urges Kobe Bryant to stay true to his loyal fan base and rescind his contract with Turkish Airlines. The AYF further asks Bryant to put out an official statement affirming his commitment to ending human rights abuses and voicing his support for House Resolution 252, calling on the United States Congress to properly recognize the Armenian Genocide.

“We ask our community to reach out to Kobe and urge him to speak out about the Armenian Genocide and recognize the wrongdoings of the Turkish government,” said Caspar Jivalagian, a member of the AYF. “Whether it is through his Twitter account (twitter.com/KBtwofour) or by calling local sports talk shows on Fox’s AM570, or ESPN’s AM 710, he really needs to hear from his fans about this ill-advised business agreement.”

The United Human Right Council, a grassroots activist group, echoed these concerns, “Turkey has a long history of human rights violations, including the occupation of Northern Cyprus, brutal repression of its Kurdish population, and imprisoning its citizens to suppress free speech. These types of abuses cannot be ignored.”

In 2007, Armenian newspaper editor Hrant Dink was gunned down in front of his office in Istanbul by an ultra-nationalist youth, angered by Dink’s outspoken stance regarding the genocide. Most recently, Kim Kardashian, sister-in-law of Laker forward Lamar Odom, came under scrutiny in the Turkish press for Tweeting about Armenian Genocide recognition.

“Kobe has a proven track record of aiding various humanitarian efforts, and this is an opportunity for him to become a true “global ambassador” of truth and publicly speak out about the Armenian Genocide,” added Jivalagian.

Founded in 1933, the Armenian Youth Federation is the largest and most influential Armenian American youth organization in the United States. With chapters throughout the country and affiliates around the world, the AYF actively strives to advance the social, political, educational and cultural awareness of Armenian-American youth.

By Sanan Shirinian

Violence against women can be considered one of the first issues on the women’s rights agenda to be fluidly incorporated into the discourse of human rights. The slogan ‘Women’s Rights are Human Rights’ was first used at the UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. This conference was successful in integrating women’s rights by recognizing rape, sexual slavery, and all forms of sexual harassment and exploitation as human rights issues. In this article I will point out some of the benefits and shortcomings of realigning women’s rights into a human right’s framework.

Although ‘Women’s Rights are Human Rights’ has become commonly used logic for’ the past 15 years, many activists and scholars have problematized this application of a human rights framework by arguing that it is embedded with certain biases favoring a western mindset. The human rights discourse might be Eurocentric in that it values the European notion of the individual. The strong emphasis placed on the individual might come at the expense of the community. This becomes problematic when considering cultures that do not view themselves as individualistic but as communal. The western notion of individualism upon which the human rights framework is largely based can lead to its rejection from cultures who suspect expansion of westernization. For example, when western feminist argued that basic human rights to women in Afghanistan were denied, the political interests motivating U.S. elites to invade the country was ironically not thought to be a violation of any rights.

A western understanding of human rights can be further problematic because it has the potential of being a top down strategy, meaning popular norms are implemented by those who hold more power. ‘Activists have noticed that global human rights discourse does not always follow the needs of local people and does not take structural inequalities into account. ‘It is evident that different parts of the world emphasize different aspects of human rights. In the global north there is a stronger emphasis placed on civil and political rights such as women’s access to political office. In the global south more attention is given to economic, social and cultural rights such as fair distribution of wealth.

It is important to realize that in the age of rapid globalization, universalism of any sort is suspect and targeted for critique. However, this should not defer our acknowledgment of the various positive outcomes the human rights framework has provided for women’s rights.
Activists such as Mallika Dutt believe the international human rights discourse and strategies are important because they bridge the divides of civilization and create universal standards and norms. Whether you are a prostitute, an incarcerated person or an ‘illegal alien,’ you are still protected by your fundamental human rights regardless of which legal system you are living under. Because human rights provide tools to interrogate power structures and transforms power relations in society, people feel a sense of entitlement to their rights, and are less afraid to seek justice and hold those in power accountable for any violations.

In response to the claim that a universalized human rights framework does not respect or understand values of non-western cultures, I believe that human rights language has the ability to incorporate difference, while simultaneously protecting the rights of people from all cultures. If we understand human rights as being expansive and not essentialist, the issue of differences in culture would be less of a concern because language and practice can be adjusted to respect peoples everywhere. However, even if a human rights agenda is successful in respecting different cultures, various forms of inequality, discrimination and oppression continue to be justified in the name of culture or religion. For example, within the Armenian nation, there seems to be a rejection or hesitation of women’s rights discussion. This might be based on a fear that women’s rights, feminism and gender equality are thought to be American values that are imposing themselves onto our traditions. However, it is important to accept that no culture is static or unchanging. It is constantly being renegotiated by all of the individuals who comprise it, including women. Thus, if beating one’s wife to keep her in line was once considered a normal part of Armenian culture, let us not discount the hundreds who are taking a stance against the practice today. These individuals have the power to change traditional values and norms because they also define and shape our culture.

Human rights enable us to challenge politics that dismiss marginalized groups as special interests because it is based on internationally recognized normative and legal principles. The violence against women that took place in Juarez, Mexico is a strong example of how issues disregarded by local governments can be framed as a human rights case in order to gain international support and attention. Disempowered groups need the protection of universalized human rights standards in order to gain proper justice denied them within the local level of government.

Framing women’s rights as human rights can be a useful tool for producing change and mobilizing communities. Although it is important to take different cultural values into consideration when applying discourse of human rights, I do not believe culture can be used as a justification to deny people of their dignity and security.

Dutt, M. (1998).”Reclaiming a Human Rights Culture: Feminism of Difference and Alliance. in E. Shohat (ed.),’Talking Visions: Multicultural Feminism in a Transnational Age, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.

Keck, E. & Sikkink, K. (1998). Activists beyond Borders. Cornell University Press.

Now we have a fight in the Senate.

We are fighting to get the DREAM Act passed this year because it gives undocumented youth a path to citizenship if they work for a college degree or serve in our armed forces. It’s a basic question of fairness.

Please add your name next to ours in support of the DREAM Act:

my.barackobama.com/SupportDREAM

Call your Senator now and ask them to vote YES on the DREAM Act.

Visit�www.dreamactivist.org for info.

Although more than a month has passed since the death of Zaruhi Petrosyan–the 20-year-old mother whose death was attributed to severe beatings at the hands of her husband and mother-in-law”the story of her tragic death continues to reverberate in the media. Public outrage has given way to concrete action and the Coalition to Stop Violence Against Women in Armenia has planned “16 Days of Activism to Stop Violence against Women” in memory of Zaruhi, due to take place from Nov. 25-Dec. 10.

The Coalition to Stop Violence Against Women in Armenia has planned “16 Days of Activism to Stop Violence against Women” in memory of Zaruhi, due to take place from Nov. 25-Dec. 10.

The coalition is comprised of seven NGOs: the Women’s Resource Center, Armenia; Women’s Rights Center; Society Without Violence; PINK Armenia; Women’s Support Center; Zangakatun; and Sexual Assault Crisis Center of Yerevan. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has also added its name to the list. “Maybe diasporan organizations should join as well,” said Lara Aharonian, the director of the Women’s Resource Center in Yerevan, in her statements to the Armenian Weekly.

According to Aharonian, a petition is in the works to secure a fair trial in Zaruhi’s murder case. “We will need lots of people to sign it as well in the diaspora,” she added, noting that “Armenia is the only country in [the] south Caucasus without a domestic violence law or protection order.”

“We need to pressure women’s organizations in the diaspora, like the Armenian International Women’s Association (AIWA) in Boston, the Armenian Relief Society (ARS), and others, to do similar actions on domestic violence; to use their local connections in Armenia; to write open letters to the president and prime minister or other local authorities they are in touch with [and] pressure them for a domestic violence law; [and] ask for [a] fair trial for this case specifically.”

A law would be a meaningful first step. Without the law, women’s rights organizations cannot pressure authorities to provide free services for battered women, to support shelters, or to begin a state funded nationwide campaign to eradicate domestic abuse.”

Furthermore, she said, “Women will rarely go all the way to punish their perpetrator since [they] themselves are not protected by the law.”

On Nov. 25, the first day of the protest, the coalition will begin accepting donations for a small fund to provide immediate support to Zaruhi’s family. They also plan on opening a bank account in Zaruhi’s daughter’s name, to provide her with a financial backbone once she turns 18.

“[We will be] asking people on the streets to give us their pennies”to start a small fund to help the family right now,” said Aharonian. “The daughter’s fate is still undecided”[whether] she will end up in the orphanage or not, we don”t know for sure yet. So we will wait till the end of the trial to open the account.”

Zaruhi was herself an orphan, a fact her husband used against her when subjecting her to beatings. According to Zaruhi’s sister, Hasmig, the husband would brag about his cousin who held a high-ranking position with the Etchmiadzin police. Since his wife was an orphan girl, he”d say, he could do anything he wanted with her, even kill her, if he wished.

An “unprotected child,” Zaruhi met an unusually cruel fate. Often, once children become too old for their orphanages”usually at 18″they are forced to fend for themselves. The future is quite uncertain for these girls, who often lack the required skills and connections to become self-sufficient, and who therefore opt to marry soon after leaving the orphanage.

Now, this newly formed coalition is focusing on raising domestic abuse awareness in Armenia. “People still think that domestic violence is a private thing and not a criminal case,” says Aharonian.

The coalition will be closely monitoring the Zaruhi case, “to make sure the justice system will handle it correctly”that the investigation is not being corrupted.”

“Once this case gets a fair trial, then the coalition will concentrate on an action plan on a national level.”

According to Aharonian, there are a number of things needed in Armenia: increased public and government awareness; economic development programs; and more service centers in major cities like Yerevan and especially in rural areas where circumstances are far worse for women.

Forces must be joined with community workers, she says, to set up training programs for police officers, nurses, doctors, teachers, and social workers.

Of course, a domestic violence law and a protection order must be adopted. “[The] Women’s Rights Center has one still pending,” says Aharonian.

The sexual violence law needs to be amended, she adds. “We are working on that and will soon present it to the parliament.”

And finally, lobbying efforts need to be directed at female politicians to increase their focus on women’s issues.

Aharonian believes that the diaspora can be a powerful instrument in encouraging development in Armenia; strengthening civil society; fighting for women’s rights, human rights, and gender mainstreaming; and joining the anti-corruption battle.

Together with the Ministry of Social Affairs, an inter-sectorial agency has been formed, at the initiation of the prime minister, that aims to end gender-based violence. “We prepared a national action plan from 2011-15,” says Aharonian. “Now we need to make sure that it will be applied”that is going to be a challenge”but based on that document, we can make the government accountable” To do that, we soon need to disseminate that paper all over, even in the diaspora, and each year [we need to] ask for specific results.”

Zaruhi Petrosyan died on Oct. 1. Her husband, Yanis Sarkisov, was subsequently arrested and faces trial. Soon after news of the circumstances of her death spread, a petition”"Armenia Must Pass Domestic Violence Legislation”"was drafted by Simon Maghakyan, a concerned diasporan, and signed by almost 3,200 individuals, though initially the goal had been to collect 1000 signatures.

“I have received a letter signed by the chief of Armenia’s police headquarters indicating that the petition to the prime minister has been referred to them and that it has been forwarded to the Investigative Service within Ministry of Defense (which prosecutes crimes by military contractors. Zaruhi’s killer husband is a military contractor),” Maghakyan told the Weekly.

However, Maghakyan fears this might pose a problem to Zaruhi’s case. “Yanis Sarkisov (who killed Zaruhi with his mother) is”a contract-based serviceman in the Armenian military. But was he on duty when he murdered his wife?” asks Maghakyan in a blog post.

“At first, I took the letter as a positive sign,” he writes. “It is awkward, however, that the military investigators are looking into the case of domestic violence.”

“They do not have, as far as I understand, any authority to prosecute Zaruhi’s other killer”the mother-in-law. Neither do they seem to have authority to investigate the possibility of the brother-in-law’s”involvement”(two specific demands that our petition made),” he adds.

However, with the number of organizations monitoring the case, “the 16 Days of Activism,” and the amount of coverage the case has received from social networking sites and the media, the onus will now rest with the authorities to bring justice to this case, and to take the necessary steps”in sync with demands made by Armenia’s rights activists”to prevent such cases from happening again, and to swiftly adopt the much-needed domestic violence law.